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閱讀綜合輔導(dǎo) [歷史學(xué)]
Traditionally, the study of history has had fixed boundaries and focal points — periods, countries, dramatic events, and great leaders. It also has had clear and firm notions of scholarly procedure: how one inquires into a historical problem, how one presents and documents one’s findings, what constitutes admissible and adequate proof. Anyone who has followed recent historical literature can testify to the revolution that is taking place in historical studies. The currently fashionable subjects come directly from the sociology catalog: childhood, work, leisure. The new subjects are accompanied by new methods. Where history once was primarily narrative, it is now entirely analytic. The old questions “What happened?” and “How did it happen?” have given way to the question “Why did it happen?” Prominent among the methods used to answer the question “Why” is psychoanalysis, and its use has given rise to psychohistory. Psychohistory does not merely use psychological explanations in historical contexts. Historians have always used such explanations when they were appropriate and when there was sufficient evidence for them. But this pragmatic use of psychology is not what psychohistorians intend. They are committed, not just to psychology in general, but to Freudian psychoanalysis. This commitment precludes a commitment to history as historians have always understood it. Psychohistory derives its “facts” not from history, the detailed records of events and their consequences, but from psychoanalysis of the individuals who made history, and deduces its theories not from this or that instance in their lives, but from a view of human nature that transcends history. It denies the basic criterion of historical evidence: that evidence be publicly accessible to, and therefore assessable by, all historians. And it violates the basic tenet of historical method: that historians be alert to the negative instances that would refute their theses. Psychohistorians, convinced of the absolute rightness of their own theories, are also convinced that theirs is the “deepest” explanation of any event, that other explanations fall short of the truth. Psychohistory is not content to violate the discipline of history (in the sense of the proper mode of studying and writing about the past); it also violates the past itself. It denies to the past an integrity and will of its own, in which people acted out of a variety of motives and in which events had a multiplicity of causes and effects. It imposes upon the past the same determinism that it imposes upon the present, thus robbing people and events of their individuality and of their complexity. Instead of respecting the particularity of the past, it assimilates all events, past and present, into a single deterministic schema that is presumed to be true at all times and in all circumstances. 1.【答案】A 2.【答案】C 3.【答案】D 4.【答案】A 5.【答案】D 傳統(tǒng)上,歷史研究具有固定的界限和焦點——時期、國家、引人注目的事件,和偉大的領(lǐng)袖。在學(xué)術(shù)過程上的觀念也非常清晰和堅定:研究者是如何探究歷史問題的,他們是如何展示他們的發(fā)現(xiàn)并歸納成文檔的,有什么令人信服的足夠的證據(jù)。 凡是注意最近的歷史文獻的人都能證明在歷史研究上正在發(fā)生一場革命。目前最流行的題材直接來源于社會學(xué)領(lǐng)域:兒童時代,工作,休閑。伴隨著新的題材的是新的研究方法。過去的歷史主要是敘述性的,現(xiàn)在則完全變成分析性的了。過去的問題是“發(fā)生了什么?”和“怎么發(fā)生的?”,現(xiàn)在它們則讓位給了“為什么會發(fā)生?”。在用來回答“為什么”這一問題的方法中,最突出的是心理分析,而對這種方法的使用則導(dǎo)致了心理歷史學(xué)的興起。 心理歷史學(xué)并不僅僅在歷史環(huán)境下使用心理解釋。過去,歷史學(xué)家也總是在適當并有足夠證據(jù)支持的時候使用這樣的解釋。但這種對心理學(xué)的實用主義的應(yīng)用并不是心理歷史學(xué)家所希望的。他們通常不只局限于心理學(xué),而是要使用弗洛伊德的心理分析。這樣,就同過去歷史學(xué)家所理解的歷史大相徑庭了。心理歷史學(xué)不是從歷史,從事件的詳細記錄和它們的前因后果中來獲取“事實”,而是對造成歷史的個人進行心理分析,從中獲取“事實”;不是從這些創(chuàng)造歷史的人物一生的這個或那個實例中演繹出理論,而是從超越歷史的人類本性的角度來推導(dǎo)理論。它否定關(guān)于歷史證據(jù)的基本標準,即:這些證據(jù)應(yīng)該是公眾能夠了解的,因此,也就是所有歷史學(xué)家都能夠了解的。它還違反了歷史學(xué)方法的基本原則:歷史學(xué)家要警惕能夠駁倒他們的論題的反面事例。心理歷史學(xué)家,則相信他們的理論絕對正確,而且確信他們的理論是對任何事件的“最深刻”的解釋,而其它的解釋都遠離真實。 心理歷史學(xué)家并不滿足于破壞歷史學(xué)的規(guī)范(在正確研究和書寫過去的意義上);它還要破壞過去本身。它否定過去是一個整體并有自身的發(fā)展規(guī)律,人們在這個整體中出于各種不同的動機行事,事件的發(fā)生是由多種原因和影響共同造成的。它把決定當前情況的決定論強加給過去,這就剝奪了人和事件的獨特性和復(fù)雜性。它不是尊重過去的特殊性,而是把過去和現(xiàn)在的所有事件都吸收到一個單一的決定論模式中,假設(shè)這個模式在任意時間和任意環(huán)境中都是正確的。 |
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